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The function of the port

On the Tabula Peutingeriana Centumcellae is depicted with a vignette that is generally interpreted as a representation of warehouses, although it has also been suggested that we see shipsheds, navalia (Levi-Levi 1967, 132-133; David-Stasolla 2018, 54). Apart from Centumcellae, nine places have a similar vignette: Aqua viva (north of Rome, south of Terni), Bobellas (south of Rome, near Ciampino), Sublanubio (south of Rome, west of Velletri), Epetio (south of Salona), Vax villa Repentina (east of Sabrata), Chrisoppolis (near Constantinopolis, also with a lighthouse), Livissa (near Constantinopolis), Eribulo (near Constantinopolis), and Pictanus (near Antiochia).



Vignettes of "horrea" on the Tabula Peutingeriana, with Centumcellae bottom right.

This might be taken as support for the view expressed by some that the primary purpose of the harbour was a role in the provisioning of Rome. The loss of 200 ships in the basin of Claudius in 62 AD is brought to mind as an indication of the port's insecurity. It is also stated that Trajan's hexagon could not function properly due to substantial silting up. However, the former event is more likely the result of a tsunami, while there is no support for the latter view in the 2nd century AD. It is doubtful whether the Tabula (from the early 5th century) reflects a 2nd century reality. In Centumcellae there are no traces of numerous horrea, as in Portus. The literary sources are meagre, as is the epigraphic evidence. Legal sources are absent. It should be noted that there was no river connecting Centumcellae and Rome. Centumcellae was not the ancient equivalent of a container harbour, for the provisioning of Rome. For establishing the function of the harbour, the conspicuous presence of detachments of the military fleets of Ravenna and Misenum is an important clue (for the presence of detachments of the fleets in the area see Reddé 1986, 197-205).

The harbour could have functioned like the control tower of a modern airport. It is conceivable that sometimes the harbour of Ostia-Portus was quite busy, with little mooring space and porters available. Fast, rowed ships could then have been used to inform approaching cargo ships that they should wait for the green light in Centumcellae. That however would be an administrative-organizational task, not a military task. In Ostia-Portus the responsible official might have been the procurator pugillationis et ad naves vagas, in charge of mail related to commerce, and special, "roaming" ships transporting the messages (CIL XIV, 2045; cf. Reddé 1986, 400 and Kolb 2000, 202). This leaves only two possibilities for the ships of the fleets, not necessarily mutually exclusive: the transport of people on Imperial business, and the conveying of official Imperial correspondence (as opposed to mail concerning the daily ins and outs of the port and maritime trade).

Unfortunately we are singularly ill-informed about the departure and arrival of governors, envoys and visitors of the court (Kolb 2000, 200). One source explicitly names Ostia: Mitte Ostia, Caesar, legatum, "Send the ambassador to Ostia, Caesar", but it may date from before or after the construction of the harbour at Centumcellae (Juvenalis, Saturae 8, 171-172). All we can say is that somewhere ships must always have been in readiness for transporting distinguished people. Because the day of departure was never certain, depending on the wind and weather, Centumcellae would not have been a bad place for waiting, in the guest rooms of the Imperial villa.

As to the correspondence of the government by sea, the sources are again not very helpful (Reddé 1986, 400, 447-451; Kolb 2000, 198-205). It has been suggested that a remark by Tacitus, for the year 24 AD and about the arrival of soldiers in - apparently - Brundisium, is a reference to the cursus publicus between Rome and the Adriatic Sea: cum velut munere deum tres biremes adpulere ad usus commeantium illo mari, "by divine providence three vessels came to land for the use of those who traversed that sea" (Annales 4,27,1). This has been taken to mean that ships of the military fleet of Ravenna protected commercial, seaborne traffic, or transported dignitaries to and from Dyrrachium (Durrës in Albania, opposite Brindisi). However, a linguistic analysis by Werner Eck of usus and commeare has shown that we are dealing with frequent traffic of people and exchange of messages. Eck concludes that information was carried by these ships, connecting the Via Appia in italy and the Via Egnatia in Macedonia (Eck 1998). See also the following remark by Ulpianus, about passenger transport between Brindisi and Durrës:

Quaedam enim naves onerariae, quaedam (ut ipsi dicunt) epibatygoi sunt: et plerosque mandare scio, ne vectores recipiant, et sic, ut certa regione et certo mari negotietur, ut ecce sunt naves, quae Brundisium a Cassiopa vel a Dyrrachio vectores traiciunt ad onera inhabiles, item quaedam fluvii capaces ad mare non sufficientes. For certain ships are designed for freight and others (as is generally stated) are for the transportation of passengers, and I know that a great many owners give directions not to transport passengers, and also that business must be transacted only in certain regions and in certain waters; for example, there are ships which carry passengers to Brundisium from Cassiopa or from Dyrrachium, but are not adapted for freight, and some also are adapted to river navigation, but are not suitable for the sea.
Ulpianus, On the Edict, Corpus Iuris Civilis 14,1,1,12. Translation S.P. Scott.

Several authors have tried to extract information from a letter written by Seneca, in which he describes the arrival of ships sailing ahead of the Alexandrian grain-fleet in Puteoli:

Subito nobis hodie Alexandrinae naves apparuerunt, quae praemitti solent et nuntiare secuturae classis adventum: tabellarias vocant. Gratus illarum Campaniae aspectus est: omnis in pilis Puteolorum turba consistit et ex ipso genere velorum Alexandrinas quamvis in magna turba navium intellegit; solis enim licet siparum intendere, quod in alto omnes habent naves.
Nulla enim res aeque adiuvat cursum quam summa pars veli; illinc maxime navis urgetur. Itaque quotiens ventus increbruit maiorque est quam expedit, antemna summittitur: minus habet virium flatus ex humili. Cum intravere Capreas et promunturium ex quo alta procelloso speculatur vertice Pallas, ceterae velo iubentur esse contentae: siparum Alexandrinarum insigne est.
In hoc omnium discursu properantium ad litus magnam ex pigritia mea sensi voluptatem, quod epistulas meorum accepturus non properavi scire quis illic esset rerum mearum status, quid adferrent: olim iam nec perit quicquam mihi nec adquiritur.
Suddenly there came into our view today the Alexandrian ships, I mean those which are usually sent ahead to announce the coming of the fleet; they are called mail-boats. The Campanians are glad to see them; all the rabble of Puteoli stand on the docks, and can recognize the Alexandrian boats, no matter how great the crowd of vessels, by the very trim of their sails. For they alone may keep spread their topsails, which all ships use when out at sea.
Because nothing sends a ship along so well as its upper canvas; that is where most of the speed is obtained. So when the breeze has stiffened and becomes stronger than is comfortable, they set their yards lower; for the wind has less force near the surface of the water. Accordingly, when they have made Capreae and the headland whence tall Pallas watches on the stormy peak, all other vessels are bidden to be content with the mainsail, and the topsail stands out conspicuously on the Alexandrian mail-boats.
While everybody was busthng about and hurrying to the waterfront, I felt great pleasure in my laziness, because, although I was soon to receive letters from my friends, I was in no hurry to know how my affairs were progressing abroad, or what news the letters were bringing; for some time now I have had no losses, nor gains either.
Seneca, Epistulae IX,77,1-3. Translation R.M. Gummere.

From the text we learn that on this special occasion private mail arrived in Italy from Alexandria, perhaps also picked up elsewhere, and that, on that occasion, ships were used for that specific purpose (naves tabellariae). Who was responsible for the transport does not become clear. Other sources document naves tesserariae, and it has been argued that these too were mail ships, but we may also be dealing here with a type of ship (Kolb 2000, 201-202).

We may safely assume that many messages from and to the Imperial government were transported by sea. The use of military ships would make perfect sense, in view of their speed and confidentiality.

Centumcellae was either a node in the transport by sea of high-ranking officials and distinguished people, or a hub for official correspondence, or both. Perhaps, not related to military involvement, also an "overflow" harbour. In the future a single new inscription might shed further light on the matter.



A movie about the history of the port of Civitavecchia by Port Mobility.