The hypothesis of an impact of the auxiliary grain fleet of Commodus is based on the single-letter abbreviations and a number of depictions in the stationes. What do we know about this Classis Africana Commodiana Herculea? The Historia Augusta tells us about Commodus:
Appellatus est etiam Romanus Hercules ... Fuit praeterea ea dementia, ut urbem Romanam coloniam Commodianam vocari voluerit. He was called also the Roman Hercules ... He had, besides, an insane desire that the city of Rome should be renamed 'Colonia Commodiana'. Classem Africanam instituit, quae subsidio esset, si forte Alexandrina frumenta cessassent, ridicule etiam Carthaginem Alexandriam Commodianam Togatam appellavit, cum classem quoque Africanam Commodianam Herculeam appellasset. He did organize an African fleet, which would have been useful, in case the grain-supply from Alexandria were delayed. He jestingly named Carthage 'Alexandria Commodiana Togata', after entitling the African fleet 'Commodiana Herculea'. SHA, Commodus VIII,5-6 and XVII,7-8. Translation David Magie. Commodus organized a fleet of Africa Proconsularis that could offer assistance as a reserve in case perhaps the Alexandrian grain would not be forthcoming. Subsidium means "support", "help", and was used in particular for the military auxiliary reserve-forces. He named Carthage, the main port of Africa, "Commodian Alexandria". We may assume that this harbour would in some way take the lead, perhaps in the proper Roman way: togatus, apparently as opposed to Alexandria.[1]
Because of the bad reputation of the Historia Augusta, doubts have arisen about the accuracy of this information. Pavis d'Escurac maintains that two-thirds of Rome's grain came from Africa, so that problems with the transport of the Egyptian grain would not be disastrous. She believes that the classis was a military fleet, established for surveillance of the African coast: the renamed Classis Nova Libyca, "a type of classis Africana". Sirks objects that the Egyptian grain, transported to Rome under Imperial control, must have been of vital importance. Hekster believes that the Classis Africana was a new name for the Egyptian grain fleet.[2]
It is true that Africa transported far more grain to Rome than Egypt, but in 69 AD Vespasianus and Murcianus used the export from Alexandria as a weapon, leading to a stock for only ten days in Rome late in 69. Famine threatened and prices will have soared. Vespasianus sent more grain as soon as the weather allowed shipping.[3] We should not underestimate the impact of problems with what was still a substantial percentage (one-third?) of the imported grain. And we should not forget that the grain from Egypt, an Imperial province, was distributed by the Emperor in Rome. There might come a time when the stocks were exhausted.
At the end of Commodus' reign (180-192 AD), around 190 AD, serious problems occurred with the grain supply of Rome, leading to riots in the city.[4] The Historia Augusta again, confirmed by Dio and Herodianus:
Per hanc autem neglegentiam, cum et annonam vastarent ii qui tunc rem publicam gerebant, etiam inopia ingens Romae exorta est, cum furges non deessent. Et eos quidem qui omnia vastabant postea Commodus occidit atque proscripsit. Ipse vero saeculum aureum Commodianum nomine adsimulans vilitatem proposuit, ex qua maiorem penuriam fecit. And because he was so careless, moreover, a great famine arose in Rome, not because there was any real shortage of crops, but merely because those who then ruled the state were plundering the food supply. As for those who plundered on every hand, Commodus afterwards put them to death and confiscated their property; but for the time he pretended that a golden age had come, 'Commodian' by name, and ordered a general reduction of prices, the result of which was an even greater scarcity. SHA XIV, 1-3. Translation David Magie. See also Dio XIII,2-3 and Herodianus I,XII and I,XIII. People in the Imperial government were said to be involved: Cleander, Praefectus Praetorio, and Papirius Dionysius, Praefectus Annonae. There was a shortage, prices went up, famine occurred. The inhabitants of Rome believed that Cleander wanted to overthrow Commodus, using the grain supply as a tool. Papirius Dionysius himself was not free from blame, but pointed to Cleander. Cleander and Papirius Dionysius were executed, and many other people were condemned to death by Commodus. The events illustrate the crucial importance of the grain supply and stocks.
Another event that may have led to the shortage was the Antonine plague, which had struck Egypt with particular force and reappeared in 189 AD in Rome (on the advice of his physicians Commodus fled to his villa to the south of Ostia).[5] Moreover, the evidence from Ostia does not support the allegations, made by ancient historians, of grain hoarding at the end of Commodus' reign. Where could this grain have been "hidden"? Durings the reigns of Commodus and Septimius Severus (discussed in more detail as a separate topic) we see measures intended to secure the transport of grain to Rome (by repairing and building ships, through the ship carpenters' guilds) and to increase the storage capacity (by building more warehouses, through the guild of the builders). A first problem the Imperial government was faced with was transport capacity (albeit not as a state fleet). But famine could also occur because of insufficient stock, perhaps for the current year only, so that setbacks would immediately lead to problems. Therefore the Historia Augusta (probably exaggerating) could say of Septimius Severus:
Rei frumentariae, quam minimam reppererat, ita consuluit, ut excedens vita septem annorum canonem populo Romano relinqueret. Finding the grain-supply at a very low ebb, he managed it so well that on departing this life he left the Roman people a surplus to the amount of seven years' tribute. SHA, Septimius Severus 8,5. Translation David Magie. But Commodus also wanted to cover emergencies. And the problem he was then faced with was not the availability of grain in regions other than Egypt, but how to get it to Rome fast.[6] Of course he did not order the construction of a new fleet, to float around in a harbour, just waiting for the emergency to happen and with crews merely standing by. He came up with the idea of a paper fleet, a reserve fleet, and started practical preparations. Ships were designated that transported commodities other than grain, commodities that were not or less urgent: marble, wild animals, salted fish, fish sauce. These ships could then be "activated" in case of an emergency, to start the transport of grain. This required negotiations and signed contracts. There must also have been a financial impact.
The institution is often placed in 186 AD on the basis of coins struck in 186-187 AD. They have the text Provid(entia) Aug and a depiction of a cargo ship. Providentia might point in this direction,[7] but there is no reference to Egypt or Alexandria. Another coin that has been related to the fleet was struck in 191 AD. It has the text votis felicibus and a depiction of the harbour of Portus. To the left is a ship carrying Serapis. Meiggs suggests that the ship above represents the African fleet, but there is nothing to support this. The depiction of Serapis rather suggests that the African fleet had not been instituted yet. That the institution took place at the end of the reign of Commodus is suggested by a coin type struck in Rome in 191 or 192 AD.[8] It shows Commodus as Hercules, holding a club and with a foot on a prow. He is clasping hands with Africa, who has a lion at her feet and wears the characteristic elephant headdress, but holds a sistrum, attribute of the Egyptian deity Isis. In the clasped hands are grain ears. It has the text Providentiae Aug. The coin is a direct reference to the African grain fleet, taking the part of Alexandria.
The abbreviations
For the single-letter abbreviations there are no good parallels, even though we know countless Latin abbreviations in inscriptions. They have been explained with question marks by the editors. For a person living 1800 years ago they must also have been rather enigmatic. The first problem to address however is not what they mean, but why the people working on the square and the mosaicists that had been employed by them chose such abbreviations. In modern terms they feel like "the fine print", the "terms and conditions", much different from the large inscriptions and depictions made by the skippers. But most are displayed prominently. Here are the texts:
Statio 23. The office of the skippers from Syllecthum in Africa Proconsularis. They transported fish and fish products. Between two ships is the abbreviation NF. It is usually explained as N(aviculariis) F(eliciter). Statio 24. Hardly anything of the floor has been preserved, but Calza mentions the abbreviation NF, which could be N(aviculariis) F(eliciter), especially because it is inside a leaf that probably had an apotropaic function.[9] Statio 34. The office of the skippers from Curubis in Africa Proconsularis. It contains a depiction of what seems to be a grain measure. The abbreviation SNFCC is preserved. It is usually explained as S(tatio) N(egotiatorum) F(rumentariorum) C(oloniae) C(urbitanae). Statio 38. The office contains a depiction of two grain measures. The abbreviation SCF is preserved. It is usually explained as S(tatio) C(orporis) F(rumentariorum), with F(eliciter) as an alternative. A word would then have been omitted between corpus and frumentariorum: naviculariorum, negotiantium, negotiatorum, mercatorum, or mensorum. Statio 42. Most likely NF is written below curatores navium. I started wondering whether references to the Classis Africana Commodiana Herculea, the Herculean Commodian African Fleet, could remove the question marks:
Statio 23: N(aviculari) F(rumentari), sc. Classis Commodianae Statio 24: N(aviculari) F(rumentari), sc. Classis Commodianae Statio 34: S(tatio) N(aviculariorum) F(rumentariorum) C(lassis) C(ommodianae) Statio 38: S(tatio) C(lassis) F(rumentariae) Statio 42: N(aviculariorum) F(rumentariorum), sc. Classis Commodianae NF and CC in statio 34 could then be intentionally ambiguous, to be read with both meanings.
The five single-letter abbreviations use a total of four letters: S, N, C and F. At first sight it seems fair to explain them, within the context of the square, as follows: S for statio, N for navicularii or negotiantes, C for collegium or corpus, and F for felix or feliciter. However, in this way the abbreviations are treated as if they are the long and high, explicit texts that are frequent on the square. And the explanations that have been forwarded run into problems.
When we try S(tatio) N(egotiatorum) F(rumentariorum) C(oloniae) C(urbitanae) for SNFCC in statio 34, we run into a problem with the main inscription in that statio, naviculari Curbitani. Why isn't the large inscription naviculari et negotiantes Curbitani, as in statio 21 (naviculari et negotiantes Karalitani)? Or should we really think of a set-up in which the negotiantes had rented the office and sub-let it to the navicularii? It should furthermore be noted that, whereas the city is known as Colonia Iulia Curubis from inscriptions, the word colonia does not occur in the large inscription; it was added by editors in an attempt to make the single-letter abbreviation identical to the main text. We can also try the insertion navicularii in SNFCC: S(tatio) N(aviculariorum) F(rumentariorum) C(oloniae) C(urbitanae). Again we run into problems. First of all, the text mostly repeats what is already stated in the main inscription. Secondly, navicularii never indicate the commodity they are transporting (there is an exception to this rule in statio 3, navicularii lignarii, to be explained by a special situation, perhaps a societas of guilds). N(aviculariorum) F(rumentariorum) does make sense however if it is a reference to the auxiliary grain fleet of Commodus.
Problems also arise with SCF in statio 38. The explanation S(tatio) C(orporis) F(rumentariorum) is problematic because a word, such as mercatorum, is missing. There are parallels for the omission of the profession in the name of a corpus: olearii from Spain and Ostia, vinarii from Rome and Ostia.[10] The expression corpus frumentariorum is not documented however. In Ostia we have a corpus mercatorum frumentariorum and a corpus mensorum frumentariorum. Which one is meant?[11] For the F in SCF Héron de Villefosse proposes feliciter. We could read S(tationi) or S(tationariis) C(orporis) F(eliciter), "Good luck to the office (or clerks) of the guild", or S(tatio) C(orporis) F(elix), "The happy office of the guild". The leaves in the mosaic would support this interpretation. A link between felix and an office or the people working inside an office is of course quite possible.[12] The orphaned "corpus" is now becoming a problem however. We may also read S(tatio) C(lassis) F(rumentariae), "Office of the grain fleet".
Why weren't the mosaicists more explicit? Seeing the classis frumentaria and intentional ambiguity as the key seems a thin hypothesis, but it finds support in the depictions.
The depictions
The depictions on the square must have been discussed thoroughly by those using the offices and the mosaicists. The latter came up with a theme that returns in quite a few stationes. It may be summarized as "ambiguity, contrast, inversion".
In statio 9 we see an inactive dolphin with a straight body in an enclosure, opposite a dolphin with a curved body, freely swimming. In statio 10, of the skippers of Misua, who transported fish or fish sauce, we see a metaphor: two dolphins forming the astrological sign Pisces. The animals are moving in opposite directions, but are joined inextricably. In statio 11, of Musluvium, we see elements of a decorative nature that fall out of tune on the east part of the square: an amorino riding a dolphin and two tondos. This time it is not objects or animals that are opposed, but Winter and Summer, while the other two seasons are not depicted. The seasons presumably represent olive oil, harvested in the winter, and grain, harvested in the summer. In statio 19 the viewer might be inside the lighthouse, called turris by ancient authors, referring also to the city Turris Libisonis on Sardinia. In statio 32 a tower at first sight seems to be the lighthouse, but is in reality a crane or more likely a water tower. In statio 33 we see two objects close together. The first is an upside down amphora, pointing to the transport of oil, or fish and fish sauce. The second is a grain measure below a rutellum, of which the lower part is a wide entrance with two small windows, probably the entrance of the statio. The message could be: when the amphora is used no longer, grain becomes important in this office. In statio 34 we see another grain measure. This one has no feet, there is no opening, no rutellum. The lower part is again a wide entrance with two windows, the entrance to the statio. Two vertical dolphins flank the measure: a "positive" one, going up and swimming, and a "negative" one, going down and not in the water. Something has ended, something has begun, and grain is important in this office. Above the scene is the abbreviation SNFCC. In statio 38 two grain measures are depicted. The one to the right is accompanied by a rutellum, the one to the left is not. The grain measure to the left is waiting to be used, the one to right is being used. Below the grain measures, mostly below the left one before the modern restoration, is the abbreviation SCF. I suggest that at least some of these images, especially those on the north side of the square (33, 34, 38), refer to the institution by Commodus of the auxiliary grain fleet. They depict the ambiguity of an auxiliary fleet, standing by, and its planned use.
We should also note the architecture of stationes 36, 37, and 38. In the back room of statio 37 a small room was created. It has a door on the south side. Somewhere in the third or fourth century this special feature was extended: with walls of opus vittatum the back rooms of stationes 36-38 were changed into a single unit, with a door connecting the front and back room of statio 37. Tucked away in a corner of the front room is the abbreviation FFV, which might stand for F(iscus) F(rumentarius) U(rbis), as opposed to the fiscus frumentarius Ostiensis, and responsible for significant expenditure. This explanation is highly speculative, but worth mentioning I believe.
Plan of stationes 36, 37 and 38 with secondary masonry. Blue: bricks. Purple: bricks and tufa.The impact on the square
I suggest a twofold impact of the auxiliary fleet on the square: an artistic and a physical impact. After taking the decision to institute the fleet, Commodus and his officials wanted to follow up the negotiations and contracts with practical measures. The members of the fleet should occupy a statio on the square, to be used for their regular activities, but also to be stand-by in case of an emergency. According to the depictions these were Curubis (34), Musluvium (11), and Misua (10). The simplest way to indicate membership was by using the letters NF, as was done by the skippers of Syllecthum and their neighbours (23, 24), and by curatores (42). An alternative was the use of SNF, followed by CC, the name of the fleet, which could also be read as the name of the city of the skippers (34). In the north-west corner of the square a cluster of three stationes was reserved for the fleet (36-38). Here was the main office of the fleet (SCF), and next to it a place for the Imperial grain treasury (FFV) that, contrary to the Ostian grain treasury, would be able to cover expenses when an emergency would occur. Because the fleet was only standing by, abbreviations sufficed, supported by visual representations showing the ambiguity of something that had been realized, but was not active yet.
(1) Cf. Sirks 1991, 105 n. 199.
(2) Pavis d'Escurac 1974; Sirks 1991, 105-106; Hekster 2002, 72, 110-111. I have not seen the article by Pavis d'Escurac. It is summarized by Sirks and Hekster.
(3) Caldwell 2015, 165-166. On the importance of the Alexandrian grain fleet see also Rickman 1971, 10 on Seneca, Epistulae VIII,77,1-2. In Portus the navicularii of the Alexandrian merchant fleet honoured Commodus (IG XIV, 918).
(4) Whittaker 1964.
(5) Lo Cascio 2002, 102-103. Villa in the Laurentine area: Herodianus I,12,2.
(6) Sirks 1991, 106.
(7) Providentia est, per quam futurum aliquid videtur ante quam factum sit ("Foresight is the faculty by which it is seen that something is going to occur before it occurs"). Cicero, De Inventione 2,160; translation H.M. Hubbell.
(8) On the coin from 189-190 see Meiggs 1973, comment on plate XVIIId. The first coin is Cohen III, Commodus nrs. 635-640, the second coin nrs. 993-995, the third coin nrs. 642-644; image: Wikipedia.
(9) Héron de Villefosse 1918, 257-261.
(10) In Hispalis (Sevilla, Spain) we have the corpus oleariorum, in Ostia a patronus oleariorum (CIL XIV, 409) (Rico 2003, 415-419); in Rome and Ostia we have the corpus or corpora vinariorum urbanorum et Ostiensium (CIL XIV, 318).
(11) I don't think that the solution S(tatio) C(orporum) F(rumentariorum) needs discussion.
(12) From Ostia we have for example the inscription G(enio) P(opuli) R(omani) F, "Good luck to the Genius of the Roman people" (EDR106125). The stamp Colonia Felix Commodiana on a lead water pipe is reported by P.E. Visconti in 1856 (rejected by Dessau, 1913). Cf. inscriptions in mosaic like DOMVS ARIPPORVM ET VLPIORVM VIBIORVM FELIX (AE 1935, 145; Rome; third or fourth century; Felix may also be the name of the mosaicist: Blake 1940, 88) and SOLLERTIANA DOMVS SEMPER FELIX CVM SVIS (Thysdrus (El Djem, Tunisia); ca. 200 AD; Ben Abed 2006, 76).
